Using the Syrian resettlement programme from the mid-2010s as a template, the UK government launched an Afghan resettlement scheme intending to house and integrate an estimated 15,000 Afghans who have been evacuated so far. To this end, the UK government is working with charities and local councils to smoothen the process.

However, the scheme is already attracting backlash from the British right, especially the far-right. Many of the criticisms and narratives around Afghans in this context resemble those about the Syrians during the refugee crisis between 2014 and 2016. There is now a risk that the Afghan crisis could reinvigorate the far-right groups similar to how the Syrian refugee crisis reinvigorated them, allowing them to take their politics further mainstream.

This paper makes a comparative analysis between the Syrian and Afghan refugee crises. In doing so, it looks at the far-right narratives between the two crises, highlighting the similarities and differences.

The author notes that far-right narratives tend to come pre-packaged, following similar patterns and allegations with each refugee or migration crisis. These are then moulded around actual developments on the ground to further the far-right agenda. As such, this paper recommends that the UK government remain alert and responsive to any development that can be capitalised on by the far-right, including petty crimes with no terrorism links or political motives.

This paper also recommends that the UK government cooperates with Afghan organisations already present in the country to ensure accurate assessment of demands and needs, as well as better understand the difficulties the new arrivals face in order to formulate more effective responses. This will reduce the chances of individuals falling through the cracks in the system.

Background

Over the summer of 2021, Afghanistan witnessed a severe shift in fortunes. In the aftermath of the United States proceeding with the withdrawal of its forces, the Taliban made rapid gains across the country, systematically capturing provincial capitals across the country, culminating in the capture of Kabul City on August 15^th.

One of the most enduring questions of the Coalition presence over the past 20 years was about the fates of the Afghans who sided with the Coalition (or against the Taliban) and have earned the group’s enmity. For many officials in the West, ensuring that their local allies were not targeted by the Taliban was a pressing concern.

Thus, the daunting scenes of Afghans – many of whom feared such Taliban retribution – clamouring to leave the country and the resulting chaos at the Hamid Karzai Airport was emblematic of such fears. The rapid Taliban victory forced many countries, including the United Kingdom, to scramble their resources in a bid to evacuate as many people as they can.

As of early September 2021, it is estimated that the UK evacuated about 15,000 Afghans, with many of them due to be settled in the UK[1]. Dubbed ‘Operation Warm Welcome’, the resettlement initiative is modelled after the Syrian Vulnerable Persons Resettlement Scheme which was launched in 2014[2]. Across the UK, more than 100 councils have agreed to take Afghan refugees, with councils being offered grants to buy homes for larger families[3].

As part of the relocation scheme, the Afghan arrivals will be offered;

• Indefinite leave to remain, including the right to work immediately and the option to apply for British citizenship.
• The right to send their children to school right away.
• Access to a new portal where members of the public will be able to share offers of housing, work and donations.
• Access to NHS services and GP registration.
• Help with getting a national insurance number and finding accommodation.
• Immediate COVID-19 Vaccination[4].

It is expected the whole process could cost as much as £2.5billion, with many local councils likely to require additional funding to cope with the situation[5].

Reactions from the Public, British Right and the Far-Right

Overall, the mood regarding the situation has been cautious. The government has emphasised the need for giving a “warm welcome”, with mainstream right-wing media outlets like the Daily Mail emphasising the status of these individuals as “allies”[6], likely in an attempt to blunt criticism towards Boris Johnson’s Conservative government[7].

However, reactions in the public have been more mixed. While a very significant majority of the public does not see the crisis as being Boris Johnson’s fault[8], there is nevertheless some trepidation over how Downing Street will respond to the crisis. Already experiencing a severe economic downturn due to the COVID-19 pandemic and ancillary impacts from Brexit, members of the public on social media expressed concerns about Afghan refugees being given homes even as the country continues to grapple with a housing crisis[9].

Others highlighted the apparent contradictions between the government’s anti-migrant stance with accepting refugees[10].

While such grievances themselves are not far-right talking points themselves, they do cover issues the far-right tends to capitalise on. Oftentimes, such narratives will then be joined into the dehumanising narratives about Afghans (or Muslims, or other foreigners) themselves.

For instance, posting on its Telegram channel, the far-right group Patriotic Alternative accused the Conservatives of being “traitors” for accepting refugees despite their claims that they want to prevent immigration, presenting themselves as the “Alternative”[11].

Similarly, Britain First’s Telegram channel capitalised on the housing crisis, with a sarcastic remark that Britain “is a massive country and [it has] plenty of room[12]. Britain First, alongside the former founder of the English Defence League, Tommy Robinson, also attacked the men who have arrived for not fighting the Taliban[13].

Other, more fringe groups, like Resistance England, opted for downright conspiracies, claiming that all the 25,000 Afghans due to arrive in the UK are men. The group’s statement claimed that they had left their families behind despite plenty of evidence in the media to the contrary[14].

Meanwhile, former UKIP and Brexit Party leader, Nigel Farage, stoked fears that the arrivals could harbour potential terrorists as well as encourage the arrival of economic migrants from other countries[15].

Comparisons to the Syrian Refugee Crisis

There are many different dynamics between the Syrian and Afghan refugee crises. However, especially in the domestic UK context, parallels can be drawn easily. This is evidenced by the fact that the Syrian refugee resettlement scheme has been reactivated.

Indeed, when one compares the narratives of the far-right between the Syrian and Afghan crises, one can see many parallels.

For example, Nigel Farage’s claims about the arrivals harbouring potential terrorists is a rehash of his claims about the Syrians refugees in 2016. Back then, Farage claimed that the refugees could include terrorists belonging to the Islamic State (IS)[16]. In warning about potential security risks, however, Farage took to dehumanising refugees as a whole, using the issue as a rallying point to support the then-ongoing Brexit campaign[17]. Indeed, Farage’s claim back then that the refugees consisted predominantly of men reflects Resistance England’s claims of a similar nature today.

Other alarmist parallels can also be drawn. Responding to the arrival of the Afghan refugees, the far-right group, For Britain, claimed that Muslims would bring Sharia law into the country and that Muslims would rape European women, describing the situation as “hell on Earth”[18]. Such descriptions harken back to the words of politicians across Europe in 2015 wherein they warned of “swarms” of refugees, citing their Muslim religion as a reason to deny them entry[19] or when members of far-right groups rioted in Dover against “third world scum”[20].

Such narratives are typical of the far-right. Indeed, narratives of a similar nature crop up periodically whenever there is instability in a Muslim-majority country with access to Europe, as was seen during the Libyan refugee crisis[21]. This highlights that far-right ideologues don’t so much form their narratives around real events, but rather formulate their narratives to fit them around real events.

This explains why anti-refugee sentiments in Europe and the rest of the West did not become mainstream until several high-profile incidents. For example, the German Eurosceptic and anti-refugee party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) did not surge in support until after the incidents in Cologne in the New Year of 2016 during which numerous women were attacked, allegedly by refugees[22]. The events then were seen as a watershed moment for Germany’s open-door policy and they were followed by not only a drop in refugee acceptance in Germany[23], but also numerous vigilante attacks on uninvolved individuals.

Such shifts had further effects around Europe, including the UK, where a 15-year-old Syrian refugee was racially assaulted by a British boy[24].

During such incidents, far-right figures such as Tommy Robinson stoked the flames by posting unsubstantiated and downright fake information about the Syrian boy[25]. Similar unsubstantiated claims about refugees also erupted in the aftermath of criminal incidents involving refugees, whether it was real or supposed. In the German town of Chemnitz, allegations of a shopkeeper’s murderer being a refugee were enough for the far-right to exploit the incident and stage a protest that descended into violent rioting[26].

Implications and Recommendations

The fact that the far-right does not react to real developments, but rather pre-packages its narratives, which it then moulds to developments on the ground, is significant and may hold the key to the UK government avoiding a far-right backlash to its Afghan refugee policy.

In particular, the far-right narratives at present appear to be purely anticipatory, with little to no actual events to capitalise on. Thus, if work is done to prevent the occurrence of any dubious incidents involving Afghan refugees in the UK then we are likely to see a waning of the far-right’s focus on them. This work must involve an integration process that will provide the Afghan refugees with the means to socially and economically integrate into the local geographies across the country where they are being settled. As the experiences in Chemnitz show, crime relating to refugees, even petty crime with no political or terroristic motivations, can be explosive. Thus, ensuring that such refugees do not fall through the cracks of the social care system will be essential, especially amidst reports that some Afghan refugees are already struggling with the Home Office integration system, as well as access to essentials[27].

However, even in the absence of incidents that the far-right can capitalise on, there is a risk that members of far-right groups can engage in provocations such as the numerous incidents involving far-right ringleaders “raiding” hotels where suspected refugees and asylum seekers were housed[28]. While such tactics were not commonplace during the Syrian refugee crisis, they have become a favoured tactic by the far-right in the years since and could stoke tensions even further.

It is also recommended that local councils hosting the Afghan refugees hold welcome events that include members of the local community. Past experiences in Germany during the Syrian refugee crisis showed that direct interaction and exposure between the local community and the refugees can improve relations and reduce anti-refugee sentiments[29].

In addition, cooperation with the media to present the Afghan refugees in a positive light may yield fruitful results. Initial conversations with the refugees have shown that a large proportion of the men are ready and eager to start working and that they have brought with them skills from Afghanistan that have the potential to contribute to economic prosperity.

The fact that many of the arrivals consist of Afghans who have been cooperating with British personnel in Afghanistan can be highlighted in order to rebut claims made by the far-right that the refugees are intent on acting against British interests. Indeed, given that the far-right tends to lionise the armed forces, positive testaments about the Afghan arrivals from the members of the armed forces who worked with the Afghans could be of immense value in countering far-right narratives.

The fact that far-right figures like Tommy Robinson voiced support for the pension rights of the Gurkha soldiers[30] suggests there is room for some – albeit limited – acceptance for non-British individuals who have nevertheless helped the armed forces. While Robinson framed the rights of the Gurkhas as mutually exclusive with support for the Afghans, showing that both issues are on the same side of the fence could yield positive results.

Through it all, responding timely and effectively to public concerns about the crisis, as well as ensuring that the far-right cannot capitalise on any incidents that may take place in the UK or elsewhere will be vital towards preventing any flare-ups of tensions and violence.

___

[1] https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-9954421/Resettling-Afghan-refugees-cost-British-taxpayer-2-5billion.html

[2] https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-9921315/Councils-given-grants-rent-buy-family-homes-house-Afghan-evacuees-families.html

[3] Ibid.

[4] https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-9954421/Resettling-Afghan-refugees-cost-British-taxpayer-2-5billion.html

[5] Ibid.

[6] Ibid.

[7] https://www.thesun.co.uk/news/16053161/dominic-raab-poll-afghanistan-crisis/

[8] Ibid.

[9]https://m.facebook.com/login.php?next=https%3A%2F%2Fm.facebook.com%2FTheIndependentOnline%2Fposts%2F10159662373451636&refsrc=deprecated&_rdr

[10] https://www.facebook.com/10downingstreet/posts/10159810298223453

[11] https://t.me/PatrioticAlternativeOfficial

[12] https://t.me/BritainFirst

[13] https://english.alaraby.co.uk/news/uk-right-wing-angry-plans-resettle-afghan-refugees

[14] https://t.me/theresistanceengland

[15] https://www.thenational.scot/news/19517196.gb-news-nigel-farage-condemned-divisive-rhetoric-afghanistan-refugees/

[16] https://www.theguardian.com/politics/2016/jun/16/nigel-farage-defends-ukip-breaking-point-poster-queue-of-migrants

[17] Ibid.

[18] https://www.forbritain.uk/2021/08/22/sunday-column-afghan-refugees-will-bring-hell-on-earth

[19] https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/refugee-crisis-far-right-s-rise-and-dehumanising-conflict-victims-are-greatest-barriers-joint-european-action-10492109.html

[20] https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/fascist-anti-fascists-violent-clash-dover-immigration-refugee-demonstrations-a6843596.html

[21] https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2020/jan/01/refugee-crisis-europe-mediterranean-racism-incarceration

[22] https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/germany-s-right-wing-afd-party-surges-new-high-concern-refugee-rises-a6810726.html

[23] https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/cologne-attacks-support-refugees-germany-plummeting-amid-far-right-protests-and-vigilante-attacks-a6808616.html

[24] https://www.thesun.ie/news/3463696/teen-suspected-of-waterboarding-15-year-old-syrian-refugee-jamal-comes-from-a-family-with-convictions-for-far-right-offences/

[25] https://www.thesun.ie/news/3463696/teen-suspected-of-waterboarding-15-year-old-syrian-refugee-jamal-comes-from-a-family-with-convictions-for-far-right-offences/

[26] https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2018/8/28/far-right-anti-fascists-clash-in-east-german-town-of-chemnitz

[27] https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/afghan-refugees-toorhpaste-nappies-hotels-home-office-uk-b1915908.html

[28] https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/asylum-seekers-housing-coronavirus-far-right-migrant-hotels-channel-crossing-a9687811.html

[29] https://www.ifo.de/DocDL/dice-report-2017-4-steinmayr-december.pdf

[30] https://tlgrm.eu/channels/@TommyRobinsonNews/23836